The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who has died at the age of 84, was considered arguably the most significant holders of the vice-presidency in American history. Whereas many second-in-commands were confined to minor or figurehead positions, Cheney wielded substantial sway during the administration of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was commonly described as the "actual president".
Bush objected to that description and stated the dynamic was more nuanced. He observed that Cheney was deferential, invariably addressing him in public as the President, while he called him as Dick. Bush questioned even portrayals of their relationship as a collaboration because it suggested that they were peers. Despite these objections, Cheney found the laidback president pliable on a broad range of governmental choices.
A Period Following the Attacks
Leading of a group of neo-cons that encompassed defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been taking part in a session at a elementary school in Florida. Whereas Bush made his way to a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, commanding the destruction of any unidentified planes heading toward the US Capitol.
Cheney claimed the assaults transformed him, leading him to become focused on retribution. Together with other neo-cons, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a invasion of Afghanistan in an effort to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the invasion of Iraq, though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Controversial Actions
He expressed no regrets about the invasion, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, and not about the waterboarding of detainees rounded up after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was based on inaccurate intelligence circulated by Cheney, was the correct path to take. "It represented the right thing to do at that time. I was convinced at the time and I maintain that stance presently."
But even at the time, there were opposing views at a top tier about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the position. "I saw, at the very least," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, negligence, and recklessness: at worst, falsehoods, unfitness, and dishonesty."
Broader Context
Cheney was not solely responsible for the Iraq invasion. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for such action. He had drafted a memo outlining scenarios in which national priorities might be compromised (encompassing "obtaining crucial commodities, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "America should be prepared to act independently when cooperative measures cannot be orchestrated," explicitly citing defense operations against Iraq.
Bush too had entered the presidency somewhat determined on executing what his father had famously refused to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Following he had been dismissed by the White House, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his objective of reducing America's engagement in the regional tensions and mooted military action against Iraq.
Bush held a individual resentment against Saddam, thinking he had been responsible for a conspiracy to kill his father, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally disliked that one of the most prominent establishments in Baghdad had a ground design with a likeness of his father's countenance that everyone had to step on.
Interrogation Methods
Yet it was Cheney who was one of the most vehement advocating invading Iraq, frequently citing intelligence reports that were either thin or completely inaccurate. He backed what the Bush White House euphemistically referred to as "advanced techniques", the use of interrogation method and harsh treatment.
Responding to a Senate analysis in 2014 that concluded that no useful information had resulted from the harsh techniques, Cheney dismissed the report as "riddled with crap". He told Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to take steps and establish procedures to catch the individuals who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it never happened again. That's exactly what they did and they earn a lot of recognition."
Public Image
Cheney took pleasure in nicknames assigned to him by opponents such as Darth Vader and the sinister presence, and by the idea that he was a shadow power directing Bush. In the journalist's 2013 publication about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Is it me who is the malevolent mastermind in the background that remains unseen come out of his hole? This represents a effective way to function, truthfully."
Business Interests
Dispute over his business interests pursued him through his period as second-in-command. Even though he had limited background in corporate affairs but established relationships in military, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's largest petroleum conglomerates, in 1995 as chairman and CEO.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's election partner for the White House. Controversially, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was given US contracts worth substantial sums.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly compensation during his period at the company grew from his $258,394 during his time as military head to $4.4m. When he left in 2000 he had a severance arrangement totaling in excess of $20m|twenty
